Call of the board: South-East Queensland

How good was Queensland? The Poll Bludger reports – you decide.

The Poll Bludger’s popular Call of the Board series, in which results for each individual electorate at the May 18 federal election are being broken down region by region, underwent a bit of a hiatus over the past month or so after a laptop theft deprived me of my collection of geospatial files. However, it now returns in fine style by reviewing the business end of the state which, once again, proved to be the crucible of the entire election. Earlier instalments covered Sydney, here and here; regional New South Wales; Melbourne; and regional Victoria.

First up, the colour-coded maps below show the pattern of the two-party swing by allocating to each polling booth a geographic catchment area through a method that was described here (click for enlarged images). The first focuses on metropolitan Brisbane, while the second zooms out to further include the seats of the Gold Coast and Sunshine Coast. As was the case in Sydney and Melbourne, these maps show a clear pattern in which Labor had its best results (in swing terms) in wealthy inner urban areas (for which I will henceforth use the shorthand of the “inner urban effect”, occasionally contrasted with an “outer urban effect” that went the other way). However, they are also bluer overall, reflecting Labor’s generally poor show across Queensland (albeit not as poor in the south-east as in central Queensland).

The seat-by-seat analysis is guided by comparison of the actual results with those estimated by two alternative metrics, which are laid out in the table below (using the two-party measure for Labor). The first of these, which I employ here for the first time, is a two-party estimate based on Senate rather than House of Representatives results. This is achieved using party vote totals for the Senate and allocating Greens, One Nation and “others” preferences using the flows recorded for the House. These results are of particular value in identifying the extent to which results reflected the popularity or otherwise of the sitting member.

The other metric consists of estimates derived from a linear regression model, in which relationships were measured between booths results and a range of demographic and geographic variables. This allows for observation of the extent to which results differed from what might have been expected of a given electorate based on its demography. Such a model was previously employed in the previous Call of the Board posts for Sydney and Melbourne. However, it may be less robust on this occasion as its estimates consistently landed on the high side for Labor. I have dealt with this by applying an across-the-board adjustment to bring the overall average in line with the actual results. Results for the Gold Coast and Sunshine Coast seats are not shown, owing to the difficulty involved in classifying them as metropolitan or regional (and I have found the model to be of limited value in regional electorates). The coefficients underlying the model can be viewed here.

And now to review each seat in turn:

Blair (Labor 1.2%; 6.9% swing to LNP): Shayne Neumann has held Blair since taking it from the Liberals in 2007, on the back of a favourable redistribution and Labor’s Kevin Rudd-inspired sweep across Queensland. His margins had hitherto been remarkably stable by Queensland standards, but this time he suffered a 9.8% drop in the primary vote (partly due to a more crowded field than last time), and his two-party margin compares with a previous low point of 4.2% in 2010. Nonetheless, the metrics suggest he did well to hang on: he outperformed the Senate measure, and the demographic measure was Labor’s weakest out of the six Queensland seats it actually won (largely a function of the electorate’s lack of ethnic diversity).

Bonner (LNP 7.4%; 4.0% swing to LNP): Bonner was a notionally Labor seat when it was created in 2004, and it says a lot about recent political history that they have only won it since at the high water mark of 2007. Ross Vasta has held it for the LNP for all but the one term from 2007 to 2010, and his new margin of 7.4% is easily the biggest he has yet enjoyed, the previous peak being 3.7% in 2013. Labor generally did better in swing terms around Mount Gravatt in the south-west of the electorate, for no reason immediately obvious reason.

Bowman (LNP 10.2%; 3.2% swing to LNP): Andrew Laming has held Bowman for the Liberals/LNP since it was reshaped with the creation of its northern neighbour Bonner in 2004, his closest scrape being a 64-vote winning margin with the Kevin Rudd aberration in 2007. This time he picked up a fairly typical swing of 3.2%, boosting his margin to 10.2%, a shade below his career best of 10.4% in 2013.

Brisbane (LNP 4.9%; 1.1% swing to Labor): Brisbane has been held for the Liberal National Party since a redistribution added the affluent Clayfield area in the electorate’s east in 2010, making it the only seat bearing the name of a state capital to be held by the Coalition since Adelaide went to Labor in 2004. The city end participated in the national trend to Labor in inner urban areas, but swings the other way around Clayfield and Alderley in the north-west reduced the swing to 1.1%. Trevor Evans, who has held the seat since 2016, outperformed both the Senate vote and the demographic model, his liberalism perhaps being a good fit for the electorate. Andrew Bartlett added 2.9% to the Greens primary vote in recording 22.4%, which would have been the party’s best ever result in a federal seat in Queensland had it not been surpassed in Griffith. This compared with Labor’s 24.5%, with Labor leading by 25.4% to 23.7% at the second last preference count.

Dickson (LNP 4.6%; 3.0% swing to LNP): The shared dream of Labor and GetUp! of unseating Peter Dutton hit the wall of two broader trends to the Coalition, in outer urban areas generally and Queensland specifically. However, as the map shows, there was a pronounced distinction between the affluent hills areas in the electorate’s south, which swung to Labor, and the working class suburbia of Kallangur, which went strongly the other way. Dutton’s result was well in line with the Senate vote, but actually slightly below par compared with the demographic model. It may be thought significant that One Nation struggled for air in competition with Dutton, scoring a modest 5.2%.

Fadden (LNP 14.2%; 2.9% swing to LNP): The three electorates of the Gold Coast all recorded below-average swings to the LNP, and were as always comfortably retained by the party in each case. Fadden accordingly remains secure for Stuart Robert, who had held it since 2007.

Fairfax (LNP 13.4%; 2.6% swing to LNP): The northern Sunshine Coast seat of Fairfax will forever wear the ignominy of having sent Clive Palmer to parliament in 2013, but Ted O’Brien recovered the seat for the Liberal National Party when Palmer bowed out of politics all-too-temporarily in 2016, and was uneventfully re-elected this time.

Fisher (LNP 12.7%; 3.6% swing to LNP): Second term LNP member Andrew Wallace did not enjoy a noticeable sophomore surge in his Sunshine Coast seat, picking up a slightly below par swing. All told though, this was an unexceptional result.

Forde (LNP 8.6%; 8.0% swing to LNP): This seat on Brisbane’s southern fringe maintained its recent habit of disappointing Labor, comfortably returning Bert van Manen, who gained it with the 2010 backlash after one term of Labor control. Reflecting the outer urban effect, van Manen gained the biggest swing to the LNP in south-east Queensland, and was able to achieve an improvement on the primary vote despite the entry of One Nation, who polled 11.8%. His 8.6% margin easily surpassed his previous career best of 4.4% in 2013, when his opponent was Peter Beattie.

Griffith (Labor 2.9%; 1.4% swing to Labor): It’s been touch and go for Labor’s Terri Butler since she succeeded Kevin Rudd at a by-election in 2014, but this time she was a beneficiary of the inner urban effect, which helped her eke out a 1.4% swing against the statewide trend. Of particular note was a surge in support for the Greens, who were up by 6.7% to 23.7%, their strongest result ever in a Queensland federal seat. Butler’s 31.0% primary vote was well below the LNP’s 41.0%, but Greens preferences were more than sufficient to make up the difference.

Lilley (Labor 0.6%; 5.0% swing to LNP): One of the worst aspects of Labor’s thoroughly grim election night was newcomer Anika Wells’ struggle to retain Lilley upon the retirement of Wayne Swan, who himself experienced a career interruption in the seat when it was lost in the landslide of 1996. However, the metrics suggest the 5.0% swing was fuelled by the loss of Swan’s personal vote, showing barely any difference between the actual result and the Senate and demographic measures. The Labor primary vote plunged 8.1%, partly reflecting the entry of One Nation, who scored 5.3%.

Longman (LNP GAIN 3.3%; 4.1% swing to LNP): One of the two seats gained by the LNP from Labor in Queensland, together with the Townsville-based seat of Herbert (which will be covered in the next episode), Longman can be viewed two ways: in comparison with the 2016 election or the July 2018 by-election, which more than anything served as the catalyst for Malcolm Turnbull’s demise. On the former count, the 4.1% swing was broadly in line with the statewide trend, and comfortably sufficed to account for Susan Lamb’s 0.8% margin when she unseated Wyatt Roy in 2016. On the latter, the result amounted to a reversal of 7.7% in two-party terms, with victorious LNP candidate Terry Young doing 9.0% better on the primary vote than defeated by-election candidate Trevor Ruthenberg, recording 38.6%. One Nation scored 13.2%, which compared with 9.4% in 2016 and 15.9% at the by-election. Lamb actually outperformed the Senate and especially the demographic metric, suggesting a sophomore surge may have been buried within the broader outer urban effect. Despite the electorate’s demographic divide between working class Caboolture and retiree Bribie Island, the swing was consistent throughout the electorate.

McPherson (LNP 12.2%; 0.6% swing to LNP): As noted above in relation to Fadden, the results from the three Gold Coast seats did not provide good copy. McPherson produced a negligible swing in favour of LNP incumbent Karen Andrews, with both major parties slightly down on the primary vote, mostly due to the entry of One Nation with 5.9%.

Moncrieff (LNP 15.4%; 0.8% swing to LNP): The third of the Gold Coast seats was vacated with the retirement of Steve Ciobo, but the result was little different from neighbouring McPherson. On the right, a fall in the LNP primary vote roughly matched the 6.4% accounted for by the entry of One Nation; on the left, Animal Justice’s 3.9% roughly matched the drop in the Labor vote, while the Greens held steady. The collective stasis between left and right was reflected in the minor two-party swing.

Moreton (Labor 1.9%; 2.1% swing to LNP): This seat is something of an anomaly for Queensland in that it was held by the Liberals throughout the Howard years, but has since remained with Labor. This partly reflects a 1.3% shift in the redistribution before the 2007 election, at which it was gained for Labor by the current member, Graham Perrett. The swing on this occasion was slightly at the low end of the Queensland scale, thanks to the inner urban effect at the electorate’s northern end. Relatedly, it was a particularly good result for the Greens, whose primary vote improved from 12.7% to 16.8%.

Oxley (Labor 6.4%; 2.6% swing to LNP): Only Pauline Hanson’s historic win in 1996 has prevented this seat from sharing with Rankin the distinction of being the only Queensland seat to stay with Labor through recent history. Second term member Milton Dick was not seriously endangered on this occasion, his two-party margin being clipped only slightly amid modest shifts on the primary vote as compared with the 2016 result.

Petrie (LNP 8.4%; 6.8% swing to LNP): This seat maintained a bellwether record going back to 1987 by giving Labor one of its most dispiriting results of the election, which no doubt left LNP member Luke Howarth feeling vindicated in his agitation for a leadership change after the party’s poor by-election result in neighbouring Longman. Howarth strongly outperformed both the Senate and especially the demographic metrics, after also recording a favourable swing against the trend in 2016. He also managed a 3.4% improvement on the primary vote, despite facing new competition from One Nation, who polled 7.5% – exactly equal to the primary vote swing against Labor.

Rankin (Labor 6.4%; 4.9% swing to LNP): Rankin retained its status as Labor’s safest seat in Queensland, but only just: the margin was 6.44% at the second decimal place, compared with 6.39% in Oxley. Jim Chalmers copped a 7.9% hit on the primary vote in the face of new competition from One Nation (8.6%) and the United Australia Party (3.7%), while both the LNP and the Greens were up by a little under 3%. Nonetheless, Chalmers strongly outperformed both the Senate and demographic metrics. That the latter scarcely recognises Rankin as a Labor seat reflects the electorate’s large Chinese population, which at this election associated negatively with Labor support in metropolitan areas.

Ryan (LNP 6.0%; 3.0% swing to Labor): LNP newcomer Julian Simmonds was in no way threatened, but he suffered the biggest of the three swings against his party in Queensland, all of which were recorded in inner Brisbane. As well as the inner urban effect, this no doubt reflects ill-feeling arising from his preselection coup against Jane Prentice. It is tempting to imagine what might have happened if Prentice sought to press the issue by running as an independent.

ANNOUNCEMENT: If this painstakingly compiled post interested you enough that you have made it all the way through to the end, perhaps you might care to make a donation. These are gratefully received via the “become a supporter” button that appears just below, or the PressPatron button at the top of the page.

Author: William Bowe

William Bowe is a Perth-based election analyst and occasional teacher of political science. His blog, The Poll Bludger, has existed in one form or another since 2004, and is one of the most heavily trafficked websites on Australian politics.

1,593 comments on “Call of the board: South-East Queensland”

  1. With the current protests happening in Melbourne, the one thing I take some issue with is why are they allowed to set up tents in public parks. If anyone else, say a homeless person set up a tent they would be moved so why are the protestors allowed or are we going to allow the homeless to do it instead sleeping in doorways or on footpaths.

  2. lizzie says:
    Wednesday, October 9, 2019 at 5:21 pm
    Tony Windsor @TonyHWindsor
    I have some sympathy for KAK …she is not the first person to have adverse mental impacts from plastic surgery …it’s called dipstick syndrome and is exacerbated by seeing other bodies lying around when not happy in your own. Not to be confused with bimboitis.

    This is just deplorably sexist. It is malicious….Windsor should apologise.

  3. I don’t see Fitzgibbon has ALP leader, he has less charisma than Shorten did and while he comes from a coal seat but besides that I see little benefit he would bring.

  4. Boer, the Greens have promised to continue to campaign on Adani. I’m sure they will. Labor have to use this to illustrate the differences between their policies and Green decoys. The Green campaign against Labor should be reinforced by Labor’s own messaging.

  5. It’s going to be interesting. Are Mark Kenny and Amy Remeikis going to be pointing out what a success the Carbon Price was?

    Or are they going to stick with the nothing to see here we have come to expect from our media?

  6. guytaur says:
    Wednesday, October 9, 2019 at 4:46 pm
    I am with Amy Remeikis. It was not just Queensland’s fault.

    All this blame Adani for Labor’s loss ignores the rest of the country. Labor has to stop looking at North Queensland as the be all result of the election.

    She is right. Tasmania did have two seats won by the LNP.
    Sydney seats also went to the LNP…..

    Yes, the conflation of Labor policies with the Green anti-jobs themes had buy-in across the whole electorate. From North Queensland to SW Western Australia….the overlap cost Labor votes. Adani is a token for this but it is far from the only instance of Labor-hostile positioning.

  7. If Adani is up and running by the time of the next election then i doubt it will be much of an issue as most people will just see it as another mine.

  8. Mexican

    You are dreaming. If it’s up and running by then expect Greta Thunberg and Ellen DeGeneres to be chaining themselves to coal trains in protest.

    A true repeat of political history

  9. Guytaur
    If the mine is up and running then it will lose some of its political symbolism.

    We have reached the point in this debate where each side (pro-coal or anti-coal) are basically singing to the converted. Neither Greta or Ellen would carry much weight in the marginal Queensland or NSW mining electorates and the seats they would play too are broadly speaking already voted on how they see the Adani debate.

  10. If KAK is kept on air by Ch10 then people should just not watch the program. That’s the only way react to such stupidity – people power.

  11. Mexican

    That’s what politicians in Tasmania said about dams and forests in Tasmania. There are no dams. Forest wars continue.

    The Union betrayal of Labor still haunts the party to this day as they rushed to embrace Howard. It was Hello Workchoices

  12. Jono Sri, Greens Councillor for Gabba Ward in the Brisbane City Council, clarifies the stakes of the Qld Labor Govt’s ill-advised Bill to expand the already strong powers of the Qld Police:

    One of the fundamental concerns with this new expansion of police powers is that they broaden the abilities of the police to stop and search (and thus intimidate) people based purely on how they look.

    The new laws would allow the police to stop and search anyone they ‘reasonably suspect’ might be carrying a dangerous lock-on device. So that means that without any other evidence, police can search someone WITHOUT A WARRANT because they ‘look like the sort of person who might participate in a protest’.

    You don’t have to have actually done anything. You don’t need to have a history of engaging in civil disobedience. An officer can look at you, and based solely on your appearance (i.e. the colour of your skin, the way you’re dressed, the way you’ve cut your hair) say “Yep, I suspect that person might be on their way to a protest where lock-ons could occur. Thus I have reasonable grounds to search them for dangerous lock-on devices.”

    What that means in practice, is that police officers will be able to single out and search Aboriginal activists, people of colour, and in fact anyone who doesn’t look “mainstream.”

    Being stopped and searched by the police can be stressful and disempowering. To have someone you don’t know pat you down, make you take off your clothes, search through your bags etc can be a frightening and humiliating experience. The effect of such powers is to make people think twice before heading out to participate in any kind of protest (regardless of whether you’re going to lock on or not).

    If people know that police are in the habit of searching anyone who participates in a protest on the basis that they want to check you’re not carrying a ‘dangerous lock-on device,’ that’s a major disincentive to turn up to a protest at all.

    It has a chilling effect on free speech and peaceful assembly, because police can use their stop and search powers strategically to bully and intimidate people.

    These powers are overwhelmingly going to be used to target Aboriginal activists and people of colour, particularly in a state where the police have a long history of abusing and misusing their power against black and brown people.

    It’s already scary enough turning up to a rally when public figures on commercial television are saying we should treat activists as speed bumps. Giving police arbitrary power to strip search anyone they don’t like the look of is a big step toward fascism.

  13. I was unaware of the nasty comments by KAK when I commented but haven’t changed my view. You just shouldn’t use mental health or sexism to insult someone even someone as nasty a KAK.

  14. mundo says:
    Wednesday, October 9, 2019 at 6:24 pm
    Mexicanbeemer @ #1502 Wednesday, October 9th, 2019 – 5:47 pm

    I don’t see Fitzgibbon has ALP leader, he has less charisma than Shorten did and while he comes from a coal seat but besides that I see little benefit he would bring.

    Who in all of god’s green creation ever suggested JF should be ALP leader?


  15. RI @ #1531 Wednesday, October 9th, 2019 – 6:30 pm

    mundo says:
    Wednesday, October 9, 2019 at 6:24 pm
    Mexicanbeemer @ #1502 Wednesday, October 9th, 2019 – 5:47 pm

    I don’t see Fitzgibbon has ALP leader, he has less charisma than Shorten did and while he comes from a coal seat but besides that I see little benefit he would bring.

    Who in all of god’s green creation ever suggested JF should be ALP leader?


    Peddling mistruths is also going the low road.

    Labor partisans have more or less given up it seems….

  16. Oh well, I achieved something today. I baked my first ever duck egg sponge. Could have been worse, could have been better. That’s like PB, I guess.

  17. RN Drive.

    Eddy Jokovich @EddyJokovich
    “…as tensions mount in the Labor party over climate change”…
    FFS, when will the ABC stop gaslighting the electorate? Put it in context: One MP. Joel Fitzgibbons. Trouble maker. Worried about losing his seat in the Hunter. Self-centred.

    The end.

  18. Davidwh @ #1309 Wednesday, October 9th, 2019 – 6:20 pm

    I was unaware of the nasty comments by KAK when I commented but haven’t changed my view. You just shouldn’t use mental health or sexism to insult someone even someone as nasty a KAK.

    The problem for me with this tiny kerfuffle is that I search for the “what’s this all about ❓ ” that caused it.

    Use them as a speed bump’: Kerri-Anne Kennerley suggests running over climate change protesters

    Who ❓ (owl emulations) Who in creation watches Studio 10 ❓

    Sadly I popped 👇👇

    onto my screen, and then while writing this load of old cobblers was regaled with the sound of one Mr. A. Bolt Esq. issuing from my sound system.

    Question – How can I ever forgive myself ❓

    Easily as it turns out – get a load of what the estimable aforementioned Mr. Bolt is presenting.

    From the “It Could Be Worse” files 👇

    We the lot wot know stuff have long realised that underneath the Federal Parliament Building posing as a bunker for use as both a cloning centre for the meritocracy among us and also as a bomb shelter for when that lot (gesticulates wildly) attack – are the chambers where the characters who present as MPs change from their normal guise (refer Star Wars Bar Scene) to the semi presentable characters that inhabit our TV screens from time to time.

    Now as the sun sink slowly (north this week ❓ )
    Fingers in ears La La La La La La La LaLa La La La

    Peace be with you. ☮😇
    Over and out. Tea time.

  19. Rex
    Its not about giving up, Adani doesn’t seem to be the vote changer the Greens think it is. We saw this with the Cooper by-election where the Greens made it a focal point and now Cooper is back to being safe ALP with Ged basically secure in that seat for as long as she wants it.

  20. Ged Kearney is no ordinary federal Labor MP. She has some economic literacy. For instance she said this:

    My Personal opinion is that we should discuss a Jobs Guarantee within a Just Transition.

    My personal opinion is that Ged Kearney should be on federal Labor’s economic policy team. Bowen, Chalmers, and Leigh subscribe to junk economics and are not up to the task of developing good policy. I hope they change their views or make way for people like Kearney.

  21. I see consumer sentiment has slumped….again.

    The myth of being the besty financial managers still remains unbusted by our brave MSM (Grog aside).

  22. Found these wise words on Facebook , from Doug Cameron
    The Australian Labor Party must debate issues, critically analyse Liberal legislation and oppose legislation when it is not in the national interest.
    I disagree with Joel Fitzgibbon MP when he proposes adopting Coalition emission targets. I disagree with those in the party who propose supporting so called free trade agreements that give multinational corporations rights to challenge Australia’s laws that protect our jobs, health and education systems.
    If Labor is truly opposed to neoliberalism we will not meekly capitulate on the Indonesian FTA if it ignores labour market testing and includes investor state dispute settling provisions.
    Since attending the Seattle WTO in 1999 I have consistently opposed bi lateral preferential trade agreements that overstate the benefits and diminish the problems associated with these agreements. The econometric modelling used to justify the agreements is flawed and quite frankly bullshit.
    Allowing multinational corporations freedom to bring in overseas labour basically as they see fit means we will never build a world class vocational education system and young Australians will miss out on training and skilled jobs.
    Australia will be destined to be a quarry, a farm and a tourist destination if we abdicate our responsibility to create a broad based, environmentally sustainable economy with technologically advanced jobs.
    If we do not tackle global warming we may not even have the capacity,in the medium to long term, to be an efficient quarry, a sustainable farm and a desirable tourist destination.

  23. Right – KAK is Kerry Anne Kennerley, not Kristina Keneally (who is KKK). So now it makes sense, sort of.

    Don’t watch anything involving Kerry Anne Kennerley, so I didn’t know what she said. Having looked it up, what KAK said was vicious and idiotic. It seems she’s aiming for a post TV career as a shock jock. Or maybe it’s a tribute to a long gone and unlamented Premier of NSW.

  24. “I have noted the number you can ask William to delete it now.
    I am going to have to take a rain check. Surprise visit from my brother from Tassie.‘

    All good. I’m off to Queensland for a week next week, but back in town the following week.

    Cheers Andrew

  25. “Oh well, I achieved something today. I baked my first ever duck egg sponge. Could have been worse, could have been better. That’s like PB, I guess.”

    Good for you. I hope everyone appreciates your efforts.
    I read and received lots of emails and made and received phone calls. May or may not have achieved anything. Could have been better, could have been worse.

  26. lizzie @ #1534 Wednesday, October 9th, 2019 – 6:48 pm

    RN Drive.

    Eddy Jokovich @EddyJokovich
    “…as tensions mount in the Labor party over climate change”…
    FFS, when will the ABC stop gaslighting the electorate? Put it in context: One MP. Joel Fitzgibbons. Trouble maker. Worried about losing his seat in the Hunter. Self-centred.

    The end.

    There is more than one.

  27. Jamie Clements as Pontus Pilate. Risible:

    “The former party boss told the ICAC he delegated state election campaign fundraising activities to his then assistant secretary, Kaila Murnain, and did not “micro-manage” her during the 2015 campaign.

    “I had the faith in her to get it done,” he said. “Nobody knew that office better than Kaila. Nobody was able to master detail better than Kaila.”

    Asked by counsel assisting the ICAC, Scott Robertson, if he was “trying to deliberately distance [himself] from fundraising issues because you know that they’re of interest to this Commission”, Mr Clements replied: “No, I’m not.”

    He said he did not inquire as to the success of the Chinese Friends of Labor dinner because he had “massive, massive things on my plate”.

    Asked by Mr Robertson if it was “fair to say you and Kaila hate each other’s guts”, Mr Clements replied: “I think she hates my guts. I don’t know if I hate her.”

    He added that the pair were “not friends” and “I have a bad relationship with Kaila but I don’t hate her”.

    Mr Clements said there was no written record of him delegating fundraising activities to Ms Murnain but “laxness” in written procedures was “was something I inherited” in the job.

    Asked how he kept himself informed about fundraising activities in ethnic communities in particular, Mr Clements said that was “under Kaila’s management” and “I couldn’t micro-manage Kaila about something like this”. “

  28. Constitutional law expert Lawrence Tribe unpacks the day’s insanity from the WH. While the resistance from Team Trump to cooperate with the impeachment process will likely be decided in court, Tribe says this will move things slower, but he believes even the courts are going to lose patience with this stonewalling. He cites a couple of recent judgements as indication of this.

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