Victorian upper house tickets: Libs put Greens last

The announcement today of the parties’ registered preference tickets for above-the-line upper house votes has, to say the least, proved more than usually interesting. With their cards now on the table, the Coalition has indeed come good on its talk of putting the Greens last. Twitter is also alive with talk that the policy of putting the Greens last extends to every seat in the lower house (UPDATE: Now confirmed in an AAP report). Suffice to say that this is momentous news.

As usual, I have made the effort to simplify the upper house tickets by ignoring where the parties have placed candidates who don’t matter, either because they are certain to be elected or certain not to be (note that I’m ignoring most independents here). No party has lodged a split ticket, and only the DLP could be found playing complicated games with their ordering. With very few exceptions, preferences have been allocated in such a way as to create neat left-right divides, in which each bloc will win either three or two seats and divide the spoils between them. The only flies in this ointment are Northern Metropolitan, where preferences to and from Stephen Mayne are all over the shop, and Northern Victoria, where the Country Alliance seem to have charmed all and sundry, including the Sex Party.

EASTERN METROPOLITAN

Democratic Labor Party: Family First; Liberal; Labor; Greens.
Labor: Greens; DLP; Family First; Liberal.
Family First:: DLP; Liberal; Labor; Greens.
Greens: Labor; DLP; Family First; Liberal.
Liberal: Family First; DLP; Labor; Greens.

EASTERN VICTORIA

Family First: DLP; Country Alliance; Liberal; Labor; Greens.
DLP: Country Alliance; Family First; Coalition; Labor; Greens.
Coalition: Country Alliance; Family First; DLP; Labor; Greens.
Labor: Country Alliance; Greens; DLP; Family First; Coalition.
Country Alliance: DLP; Family First; Coalition; Labor; Greens.
Greens: Labor; DLP; Family First; Coalition; Country Alliance.

NORTHERN METROPOLITAN

Group A (Carers): Stephen Mayne; Greens; DLP; Sex Party; Family First; Christian Party; Country Alliance; Labor; Liberal.
Christian Party: DLP; Family First; Country Alliance; Liberal; Stephen Mayne; Carers; Labor; Greens; Sex Party.
Stephen Mayne: Carers; Sex Party; DLP; Greens; Family First; Christian Party; Liberal; Labor; Country Alliance.
Family First: Stephen Mayne; Christian Party; Carers; Country Alliance; DLP; Liberal; Labor; Sex Party; Greens.
Country Alliance: Sex Party; DLP; Labor; Liberal; Carers; Family First; Christian Party; Stephen Mayne; Greens.
Greens: Stephen Mayne; Carers; Sex Party; Labor; DLP; Family First; Christian Party; Liberal; Country Alliance.
Sex Party: Carers; Stephen Mayne; Greens; Country Alliance; Labor; Liberal; Family First; Christian Party.
DLP: Christian Party; Carers; Stephen Mayne; Country Alliance; Family First; Liberal; Labor; Sex Party; Greens.
Labor: Sex Party; Greens; Carers; Country Alliance; DLP; Stephen Mayne; Family First; Liberal; Christian Party.
Liberal: Sex Party; Family First; DLP; Country Alliance; Christian Party; Carers; Stephen Mayne; Labor; Greens.

NORTHERN VICTORIA

Country Alliance: DLP; Family First; Coalition; CDP; Labor; Sex Party; Greens.
Christian Democratic Party: DLP; Family First; Coalition; Country Alliance; Labor; Greens; Sex Party.
Family First: CDP; DLP; Country Alliance; Coalition; Labor; Sex Party; Greens.
Greens: Labor; Sex Party; DLP; Family First; CDP; Coalition; Country Alliance;
Coalition: Country Alliance; Family First; DLP; CDP; Sex Party; Labor; Greens.
Labor: Country Alliance; Greens; Sex Party; DLP; Family First; Coalition; CDP.
Sex Party: Country Alliance; Greens; Labor; Coalition; CDP; Family First; DLP.
DLP: Country Alliance; CDP; Family First; Coalition; Labor; Sex Party; Greens.

SOUTH-EASTERN METROPOLITAN

Liberal: DLP; Family First; Christian Party; Labor; Greens.
Labor: Greens; DLP; Family First; Liberal; Christian Party.
DLP: Christian Party; Family First; Liberal; Labor; Greens.
Christian Party: DLP; Family First; Liberal; Labor; Greens.
Family First: Christian Party; DLP; Liberal; Labor; Greens.
Greens: Labor; DLP; Family First; Christian Party; Liberal.

SOUTHERN METROPOLITAN

Sex Party: Greens; Liberal; Labor; Family First; DLP; Christan Party.
DLP: Christian Party; Family First; Liberal; Labor; Sex Party; Greens.
Family First: Christian Party; DLP; Liberal; Labor; Sex Party; Greens.
Christian Party: DLP; Family First; Liberal; Labor; Greens; Sex Party.
Greens: Sex Party; Labor; DLP; Family First; Christian Party; Liberal.
Liberal: Family First; DLP; Christian Party; Sex Party; Labor; Greens.
Labor: Greens; Sex Party; DLP; Family First; Liberal; Christian Party.

WESTERN METROPOLITAN

Sex Party: Greens; Labor; Liberal; Family First; DLP.
Labor: Greens; Sex Party; DLP; Family First; Liberal.
Family First: DLP; Liberal; Labor; Sex Party; Greens.
DLP: Family First; Liberal; Labor; Sex Party; Greens.
Greens: Sex Party; Labor; DLP; Family First; Liberal.
Liberal: Family First; DLP; Sex Party; Labor; Greens.

WESTERN VICTORIA

Coalition: DLP; Family First; Country Alliance; Labor; Greens.
Family First: Country Alliance; DLP; Coalition; Labor; Greens.
Labor: Greens; Country Alliance; DLP; Family First; Coalition.
Greens: Labor; DLP; Family First; Coalition; Country Alliance.
Country Alliance: DLP; Family First; Coalition; Labor; Greens.

UPDATE: It might be helpful to reprint the calculations I did a few weeks ago of Labor-versus-Greens two-party results in the four electorates likely contested between the two, projecting the likely results for the Greens both with and without Liberal preferences. This was derived from results of both the 2006 and 2010 federal elections, and indications of Liberal voters’ fealty to how-to-vote cards based on a Victorian Electoral Commission ballot paper study. I was persuaded that this was likely to prove slightly unflattering to the Greens, as the rate of Liberal rebellion from the how-to-vote card might increase if the party changed its preference policy.

GRN 2PP
ALP GRN LIB LIB PREF NO PREF
2006 STATE
Melbourne 45% 27% 22% 48% 40%
Richmond 46% 25% 20% 46% 39%
Brunswick 48% 30% 17% 45% 40%
Northcote 53% 27% 15% 42% 37%
2010 FEDERAL
Melbourne 36% 37% 22% 57% 49%
Richmond 39% 37% 20% 55% 48%
Brunswick 46% 31% 19% 48% 41%
Northcote 46% 33% 17% 49% 42%

Author: William Bowe

William Bowe is a Perth-based election analyst and occasional teacher of political science. His blog, The Poll Bludger, has existed in one form or another since 2004, and is one of the most heavily trafficked websites on Australian politics.

224 comments on “Victorian upper house tickets: Libs put Greens last”

Comments Page 5 of 5
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  1. [
    Are we likely to see any public individual seat based polling in the course of this election campaign?
    ]

    What is the track record like for individual seat polling in recent State Elections, such as SA?

  2. [Rod – I think we will definitely see polling on Melbourne and maybe those other inner city seats.]

    Certainly be interesting to see not just Melbourne, but seats like Gippsland East & Mildura , for the battles with the Indies, together with seats like South Barwon, Mt Waverley and Gembrook between the majors, and maybe even Prahran for the the Lib / Green situation.

  3. Firstly, the Libs are going to hand out as many HTVs at as many booths as they can.

    That’s the whole idea of the restructure of the Upper House – it provides an incentive for all parties to contest all seats.

    Everyone in politics learnt at their mother’s knee (or, as my mother always adds, ‘some other low joint’) that getting people to vote for you in the Lower House increases your chances of them voting for you in the Upper House.

    So, unless the Libs are really suicidal, they will hand out just as cheerfully in Brunswick and Melbourne etc as they were always going to.

    I found Walters’ comments interesting for a couple of reasons:

    1. What poll? Where? By whom? Seriously, if this is a poll paid for by the Greens, what DO they think they’re doing?

    Even the big boys only poll a few seats an election. Firstly, for the poll to be meaningful, you’re talking big money. Secondly, they’re not really reliable even then (as we keep saying, they’re a snapshot in time at best; poll next week and you might get a very different result). I can’t count the number of times ‘internal polling’ has told the ALP they’re going backwards in a seat which, on the day, they’ve won with a big swing towards them.

    Thirdly, unless you have lots of lovely dosh to throw around, there are better uses for your money. (As one of the movers and shakers federally said on the phone when I was with him, “Tell ’em not to waste money on any more polling, but use it to change votes on the ground.”)

    2. Sorry, but if I were Walters I wouldn’t be calling it on those numbers.

    I once was running for preselection. I rang one faction, who guaranteed me 44% of the vote. Easy peasy, I thought, only need to get 7 votes and I’m in. But no one else was interested in backing me, so that 7% was an impossibility.

    Walters is in the same position. If he’s on, say, 46% of the primary, that means 54% are voting for the major parties (because the polling, we must assume, couldn’t canvas the whole range of candidates, because we didn’t know them until last Friday).

    Let’s assume the Libs are going to poll about 26% (which is generous).

    Firstly, we know that the major party voters tend to follow HTVs more faithfully than the Green voters follow theirs. We’d assume that about 80% of Lib voters will follow the HTV.

    That only puts Brian in a neck and neck position, if that.

    As for the raggle taggle bag of independents and others, they are more likely to bleed the Green (that is, peed off with both the majors) vote and return to the Greens as preferences than to significantly impact on the majors.

    Melbourne may go, but without Lib preferences, it’s line ball at best.

  4. zoomster,

    Walters was interviewed on Jon Faine’s program and he stated that the figures came from an “independent” source and included other seats. He said the Greens had not paid for the information. Said he wasn’t permitted to divulge his source.

  5. 204

    Why would an ‘independent’ source poll seats in a Vic election and only divulge the info (apparently) to the Greens?

    If we don’t know who it was, or how and when the info was gathered, then it’s meaningless.

  6. 203

    The idea or PR in the Legislative Council is to get more parties in and have them represented more closely to their vote level and thus have a chamber not controlled by the Government or the Opposition most of the time.

    The incentive to run in all seats is a by-product.

  7. Tom

    I assume you were in talks with the Labor party when the policy that led to these changes in the UH were formulated?

    I was.

  8. 208

    It may have been on of the reasons the ALP adopted it but it is ridiculous to say it is the “whole idea”.

  9. [I once was running for preselection. I rang one faction, who guaranteed me 44% of the vote. Easy peasy, I thought, only need to get 7 votes and I’m in. But no one else was interested in backing me, so that 7% was an impossibility.

    Walters is in the same position. If he’s on, say, 46% of the primary, that means 54% are voting for the major parties (because the polling, we must assume, couldn’t canvas the whole range of candidates, because we didn’t know them until last Friday).

    Let’s assume the Libs are going to poll about 26% (which is generous).

    Firstly, we know that the major party voters tend to follow HTVs more faithfully than the Green voters follow theirs. We’d assume that about 80% of Lib voters will follow the HTV.]

    William did some calculations a few posts back , zoomster, looking at typical levels of Liberal adherence to prefs based on a VEC study of the 2006 election, and the Federal vote in the state seat of Melbourne. He summarised some of the material again in his post that start of this thread. On this basis he suggested that a 37% primary green vote in the state seat of Melbourne (as they obtained in the federal poll) , given Liberal preference leakage, could lead to the Greens hitting 49% 2PP for the state seat.

    Antony Green doesn’t seem to agree, (and I haven’t seen William’s Crikey “pay wall protected” piece that GG mentions), but if Walters is being honest about the private polling figures, then Melbourne, and perhaps at least one other inner city seat, is far from decided yet.

    My suspicion is that this may actually have been factored into the Liberal decision making process. They may well have polling that suggests the Greens may get up in Melbourne and just possibly Brunswick or Richmond too anyway, in which case the advantages of being able to portray themselves as “anti-Green” in regional areas could well far outweigh any advantage in preferencing the Greens in the inner city (which at the absolute best for the Libs would simply have led to a bit of nuisance for Labor in having to deal with minority government situation anyway) .

    I don’t think for a moment that this Liberal decision was based on “principle” , as some have claimed. I think it was based on a hard nosed read of the actual polling implications in their own self interest. Fuelling the fires of Labor / Green conflict (with potential impact on Greens prefs in other close lab / Lib contested seats) would, as I said earlier, have given them added reason to do as they have done.

  10. Rod

    firstly, I don’t think the Greens will poll primaries in the 40s. As I said, difficult to tell when we don’t have a source for Walters’ figures, but I would assume that any polling done in the time frame would not have gone beyond ‘who will you vote for out of Greens, Labor and Liberal?”

    Thus I would further assume that high forties is the actual Green 2PP, with their primary vote eaten into by the various smaller parties.

    49% seems about right!

  11. [firstly, I don’t think the Greens will poll primaries in the 40s. As I said, difficult to tell when we don’t have a source for Walters’ figures, but I would assume that any polling done in the time frame would not have gone beyond ‘who will you vote for out of Greens, Labor and Liberal?”]

    I wouldn’t be surprised if the polling was actually the Libs own, zoomster.

    49%, based on the Fed figures, if further preferences still leak because of Labor haters amongst the libs, is getting mighty close for comfort!

  12. Well, actually: nobody has any idea how Lib voters preferences flow when the party says ALP over Greens, as its never happened before.

    So that 80% figure may be right – or completely wrong. It’ll be interesting to watch.

    Its difficult to see the Libs angle here: in fact, its so counter-productive for them, my best guess is developers have made substantial donations to their compaign conditional on doing it.

    I see Antony reckons Greens are a shoo-in for BOP in the VIC upper house. That’ll do me fine; though I’d reckon two of Melbourne, Brunswick and Richmond will still go Green.

  13. I guess the focus largely shifts to independents in safe Labor seats, then. There’s a few of them too, who could win from a narrow third place, Wilkie style.

    Catherine Cumming in Footscray, now the only person who can take that seat off Labor.

    Phil Cleary in Brunswick, who can take it out if he gets ahead of either the Greens or Libs.

    Serge Thomann in Albert Park, who must be a pretty big deal if he can get this sort of gig together. I mean, look at this lineup:

    [ The bill includes Dale Ryder, Brett Goldsmith, The Dili All Stars, Glenn Shorrock, Kate Ceberano, Mick Harvey, Normie Rowe, Paul Gray of Wa Wa Nee, Pseudo Echo, Renee Geyer, Ross Wilson, Scott Carne from Kids In The Kitchen, Wilbur Wilde as well as the Freud boys band Attack of the Mannequins. ]

    $50 is a fair bit for a gig, but not heaps considering the amount of big(ish) names. Looks like he’s got himself the Rockwiz vote, then. I’ve got no idea who he is, but I wonder how much he’ll get.

    As for the Greens, I would still tip them for Melbourne, and most likely Richmond. What preferences they don’t get from the Libs they will from Jolly; plus, the kind of people who would vote for the Libs knowing that their candidate runs a gay bar are probably pretty independent-minded, ie: less likely to follow the HTV. I’d say Cleary’s presence plus lack of Liberal preferences kills them in Brunswick. Prahran would be the next most likely (on Labor preferences if they come second), ahead of Northcote.

  14. Bird of paradox
    Posted Monday, November 15, 2010 at 8:25 pm | Permalink

    “I guess the focus largely shifts to independents in safe Labor seats, then”

    whose focus , and why

  15. 218

    Cleary and Cumming can only win if they come third or better at the 4CP stage. Cummings has run in Footscray at the 2 previous state elections getting 10% then 14% then out-polled the Greens as well as being on the Council in most of the electorate. Cleary has not run since 1996 and that was at Commonwealth level and it has been commented on this blog that he did better in the Pascoe Vale part of Wills (I tried to check this but the results on the AEC website for the 1996 election do not extend to polling booth results that I could find and nor do Psephos`s).

    The Greens primary was 12% in Footscray and 29% in Brunswick so I give them a chance in Brunswick unless Cleary successfully exploits the Liberals preferencing him then the ALP and then the Greens. In Footscray it`s between the ALP and Cumming.

  16. Just looking at BLAIR in 1998 on Psephos’ archive

    Initial Primaries –

    Hanson – 36.0%, Labor 25.3%, Liberal 21.7%, Nat 10.2%

    Later (last three) – Hanson 38.9%, Liberal 31.8%, Labor 29.3% – Hanson got 2.9/17 = 17% other parties

    Finally – Hanson 46.6%, Liberal 53.3% – so about 27% of Labor “prefs” to Hanson in the end, but of course this includes the leakage from the 4% Labor accumulated in the eliminations.

  17. lefty e
    Posted Monday, November 15, 2010 at 7:17 pm | Permalink

    1/ “Well, actually: nobody has any idea how Lib voters preferences flow when the party says ALP over Greens, as its never happened before. ”

    William has done some calcs since amended , mine is higher diff xpecting much less Liberal card slippage & as Libs interst is in max upper house I assume Libs will be in force around booths So I dont see Labor losing any inner city Seats and this means Balleau cannt win th 12 seats he needs If Williams amend is correct then min 2 is a problam for Labor

    2/ “Its difficult to see the Libs angle here”
    same reason Labor didn’t pref One Nation over Libs , clear choise and brand , and helps Libs with swing voters in country & outer metrop Left E

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