Tasmanian election: Bass form guide

The Tasmanian election campaign has already entered its final fortnight, and unfortunately there has been hardly a word on it so far on this site. Every effort will be made over the next two weeks to provide background on the contests for each of the five electorates, which will be dealt with in alphabetical order. That makes Bass, the north-eastern electorate dominated by Launceston and famed for the 1975 federal by-election result, the first cab off the rank. Time constraints mean that many important historical and psephological details will have to pass unremarked – fortunately, Antony Green‘s election guide (from which I got the figures for the vote and seat graphs below) tells you everything you need to know.

As can be seen from the graphs, Bass was an arm wrestle between the Labor and Liberal parties prior to the emergence of the Greens as an enduring force in 1989. The effect of the seismic statewide shift away from Labor at the 1982 Franklin dam election was relatively subdued here due to the electorate’s distance from the site in question, although it should be stressed that this is only true in relative terms. The Greens’ failure here in 1996 marked the first time since 1986 that they failed to win a seat in each electorate, although they in fact won more of the vote in Bass than in Braddon. Then came the electoral reform that the major parties contrived to neuter the Greens by cutting representation from seven members per electorate to five. Only Denison returned a Greens member at the 1998 election, when Labor won more seats than the Liberals in Bass for the first time since the pre-Franklin dam era.

The Greens returned to prominence at the 2002 election, doing well enough to elect members in every electorate except Braddon. Counting on election night suggested that the Liberals would be reduced to one seat in Bass, as had been the case in Denison, Franklin and Lyons. However, Liberal candidate Peter Gutwein narrowly edged out Labor’s Anita Smith late in the count despite Labor’s primary vote amounting to 2.95 quotas, a result widely put down to an apparent Labor blunder in fielding six candidates. Since Tasmanian voters are only required to number five boxes to cast a formal vote, many votes from Labor supporters who had only done the bare minimum required of them ended up exhausting. However, Antony Green assesses that the result was caused by leakage of Labor votes to Liberal candidates, Sue Napier in particular. Labor received no corresponding benefit from leaking Liberal votes because its highest profile candidates, Jim Cox and Kathryn Hay, were elected early in the count.

This indicates the importance that the popularity and profile of individual candidates plays in determining outcomes under Tasmania’s system of Robson rotation, and the damage parties can suffer when a popular incumbent retires. Those unfamiliar with such intricacies would do well to peruse Antony Green’s guide before proceeding further.

Labor’s only sitting member going into the election is the Left faction’s Jim Cox, who has had a long and interesting career in state politics. Shortly after he was first elected in 1989, Cox was the subject of a bribery attempt by local businessman Edmund Rouse, whose diverse interests included the chairmanship of the then-fledgling forestry company Gunns. Rouse hoped to entice Cox into defecting from Labor to prevent the party from forming a government in accord with the Greens, an outcome likely to damage his business interests. Cox took the matter to the police and agreed to take part in a 10-day sting operation that led to the imprisonment of both Rouse and fellow conspirator Tony Aloi. Cox lost his seat at the 1992 election that dumped Michael Field’s troubled Labor government from office, but he recovered it in 1996 and has strongly consolidated his position at subsequent elections. He currently holds the finance, racing and sport and recreation portfolios in the Lennon government.

Labor suffered a blow when its other sitting member, Kathryn Hay, announced she would not seek re-election after just one term. A former Miss Australia winner, Hay became Tasmania’s first Aboriginal MP when elected to parliament in 2002 at the age of 27. Fortunately for Labor, they have found an ideal replacement in former federal member Michelle O’Byrne, whom no-one blamed for losing Bass at the 2004 election. O’Byrne is a member of the Progressive Policy Forum faction which broke away from the Left during preselection disputes in 2003, and which also includes her brother David O’Byrne, state party president and secretary of the LHMWU. This is not O’Byrne’s first attempt to return to politics in the short time since her defeat – she had to be persuaded against nominating for the casual Senate vacancy created by the retirement of Sue Mackay in July 2005, agreeing to do so on the condition that the Left would back the eventual victor, Carol Brown. Party sources were reported as saying this was a face-saving exercise by O’Byrne, who was likely to be defeated in any case after a cross-factional deal delivered the numbers to Brown.

The highest-profile of the remaining candidates is Grant Courtney, another member of the Progressive Policy Forum. The local branch secretary of the Australian Meat Industry Employees Union, Courtney has been prominent in the union’s campaigns against live sheep exports and the lockout of Blue Ribbon meat workers. He also put his hand up to replace Sue Mackay in the Senate in July 2005, reportedly running against the wishes of his faction. Other tilts at public office included an unsuccessful run for Launceston City Council in October 2002 and endorsement as Labor’s candidate for the upper house seat of Rosevears in May 2002. His notably poor performance on the latter occasion, when he polled just 8 per cent of the vote, put an end to Labor’s pretensions of gaining a majority in the notoriously independent chamber.

Also on the ticket are George Town school teacher Michael Greene, whose preselection appeared in doubt when Left union official and state executive member Nicole Wells refused to endorse it in December 2005 on the grounds that he had not been a financial member of the party for the requisite six months; Michelle Cripps, regional development consultant for Northern Tasmania Development; and Scottsdale High School principal Steve Reissing.

The Liberals are going into the election with both sitting members on board. Senior among them is Sue Napier, the former party leader deposed by Bob Cheek in August 2001. Napier reportedly did not wish to resume the leadership after the 2002 election debacle which cost Cheek his seat in Denison. Although re-elected relatively comfortably, Napier’s vote declined sharply and it was not clear on early counting that she would prevail over Peter Gutwein. There have been numerous suggestions over the year’s that Napier might exit state politics to take up one of Tasmania’s bumper crop of Senate seats. The most intriguing of these was the suggestion that the moderate faction would install her in the number two Senate position as part of a move to demote Right faction warlord Eric Abetz from one to three, but Napier herself scotched the idea. Abetz had earlier been instrumental in thwarting her move to replace the retiring Brian Gibson shortly after she lost the leadership in late 2001, installing Guy Barnett in her place. More recently, Napier was touted as a potential replacement for veteran John Watson in the event that he chose to retire mid-term, which has not come to pass.

Peter Gutwein‘s narrow victory in 2002 came at the expense of Liberal incumbent David Fry. The Liberals might have ended up wishing the outcome had been otherwise, as his maverick behaviour has won comparisons with defeated former leader Bob Cheek, who last year wrote a tell-all book about the inner workings of the state party. Early in the term Gutwein went against party policy by calling for an end to old-growth logging, and his call for Catholic Archbishop Adrian Doyle to stand aside while an inquiry into sex abuse allegations in the church was under way prompted a tongue-lashing from veteran Denison MP Michael Hodgman. Gutwein’s reputation as a moderate in a state party dominated by the Right fuelled accusations the he was undermining Rene Hidding’s leadership and hoped to take the job for himself. He was briefly dumped from the front bench in December 2003 after crossing the floor to support a Greens motion calling for a commission of inquiry into child sex abuse, which Ellen Whinnett of The Mercury reported “infuriated his colleagues, who claimed Mr Gutwein’s move was self-promoting and painted them as uncaring on the issue of child abuse”. Hidding blamed the episode for a 6 per cent drop in Liberal support recorded in an EMRS poll in early 2004, which showed a particularly poor result in Bass. The party felt compelled to reinstate him mainly because of difficulties in spreading the portfolio workload across seven parliamentary members. He currently holds the police and education portfolios.

The Liberals’ non-incumbent candidates include the aforementioned David Fry, who failed to retain the seat he assumed on a recount after Liberal colleague Frank Madill retired in 2000; Pam Fratangelo, a former Lions Club president and current executive officer of Women Tasmania, and Sam McQuestin, who owns a number of hospitality industry businesses in Launceston. The Mercury’s Insider column reported in July 2005 that Fratangelo has worked on both sides of the political fence, as a staffer in the previous Liberal government and a campaigner for narrowly unsuccessful Labor candidate Anita Smith at the 2002 state election.

Sitting member Kim Booth brought the Greens back to Bass after a term in the wilderness (so to speak) with an easy victory at the 2002 election. Interestingly, Booth is a former owner and operator of a building and saw-milling company. The best known of the Greens’ remaining candidates is Jeremy Ball, an electorate officer to Booth and former actor who had roles in the television series Water Rats and a brief cameo in the Hollywood blockbuster The Matrix, in which Keanu Reeves pinches his mobile phone (the film was shot in Sydney). He was also Booth’s successor as the party’s federal candidate for Bass at the 2004 election. Rohan Wade of The Mercury reported that Ball, who is now 36, was the youngest person to be arrested at the Franklin Dam protests in the early 1980s.

Other candidates: Les Rochester is a Tamar Valley councillor and former television journalist who has received widespread publicity for his campaign against Gunns’ proposal for a pulp mill in northern Tasmania.

Gaven by-election

The Poll Bludger has been a bit preoccupied lately, and failed to notice that a Queensland state by-election now looms in the Gold Coast seat of Gaven after Labor MP Robert Poole "chose to resign rather than do as Premier Peter Beattie demanded and return early from a trip to Thailand". The seat would naturally lean slightly towards the Coalition, but was won comfortably by Labor at the 2001 and 2004 landslides.

Labor’s preselection will be held on March 18 (the day of the South Australian and Tasmanian elections) and it looms as a contest between the Left’s Phil Gray, Poole’s former campaign manager, and Labor Unity’s Liz Pommer, described by the Courier-Mail as "a 43-year-old career bureaucrat who has headed the Government’s efforts to control Schoolies week". The prize is none too tempting – Antony Green gives Labor no chance of retaining the seat, which seems a sensible assessment in view of the circumstances of Poole’s departure and Labor’s defeats last year in Chatsworth and Redcliffe. However, the victor will presumably get the opportunity to build their profile for another crack at next year’s state election.

Absurdly, the National Party maintains its claim on Gaven within the context of the Queensland Coalition, despite uniformly humiliating performances in the rapidly-changing Gold Coast area throughout the current decade. A reader informs the Poll Bludger that the Liberals "had a candidate who was already campaigning until it was ruled that only the Nats would contest the seat, prompting the angry resignation of state Liberal Vice President Jim MacAnally". While this could potentially create the conditions for a successful independent challenger, the Nationals appear to have done well in preselecting Alex Douglas, a GP who has worked in the local area for 18 years and is married to Gold Coast City Councillor and Nationals senior vice-president Susie Douglas.

UPDATE: Graham Young at Ambit Gambit brings us results from a TNS poll of Gaven voters published in today’s Sunday Mail showing Labor might not be as doomed as you would think. The reason – what Young describes as "the most cack-handed negotiations you have ever seen in your life" in which the Liberals conceded the seat to the Nationals. As Young puts it, and as the Poll Bludger has been arguing for some time, urban areas of south-east Queensland contain large numbers of "Liberals who will never vote National, and enough of these might vote third party and exhaust their preferences to give Labor a win". The poll has Labor on 26 per cent, the Liberals on 25 per cent and the Nationals on a derisory 8 per cent, the catch being that the Liberals are not allowed to field a candidate. However, a note of caution is in order given that TNS only managed to extract a response from about 230 voters in the rather small sample of 300, with 24 per cent registered as don’t know, informal or refused.

Cash for comment

"Let he who is without sin cast the first stone", saith John 8:7. And since your correspondent has never once had the good grace to donate to any of the blogs he visits on a daily basis, he cannot in good conscience criticise his valued readers for their failure to have given the PayPal link on the sidebar much of a workout. Not only has this labour of love failed to turn anything remotely resembling a profit, it has in fact all but wiped me out financially thanks to the unproductive efforts of a certain vexatious litigant (though I do not doubt that the good people at Slater & Gordon needed that $15,000 more than I did). But now, thanks to the magic of Google Ads, you can help me earn the big bucks that I deserve and must have by visiting the websites of my fine sponsors, located immediately to the right.

I see red

The Advertiser has today published a poll of South Australian upper house voting intentions taken from the same sample as yesterday’s lower house poll, which was conducted on Wednesday night. The most striking result is the 10 per cent recorded for No Pokies MP Nick Xenophon, who was elected in 1997 from 2.9 per cent of the vote. As remarkable as this may be for a micro-party candidate, it is consistent with the popularity and profile Xenophon has built as a media-savvy adjudicator between the major parties, a position that was emphasised after each of the lower house independents came to various accommodations with the Labor government. An extra 1 per cent can be added to this score after distribution of the undecided, putting Xenophon almost 3 per cent clear of the quota required for election – enough to put his running mate Ann Bressington (described in The Advertiser as a "drug rehabilitation pioneer") into contention in her own right.

Of particular interest is the wide gap between the collective non-major party vote in the two polls, which is at 17 per cent for the lower house and 32 per cent for the upper house. The respective figures at the 2002 election were 22.1 per cent and 26.2 per cent. While the genuine popularity of Xenophon will no doubt widen the gap (the No Pokies ticket polled 1.3 per cent in his absence in 2002), a degree of scepticism is in order here. For one thing, survey respondents will be more likely to give different answers to questions about lower and upper house voting intention for fear of appearing unsophisticated. Furthermore, undecided voters tend to be politically disengaged and are unlikely to make distinctions between the houses when they determine their vote. A similar exercise on Senate voting intention conducted by Roy Morgan before the 2004 federal election (note their less-than-prescient headline, "L-NP Could Lose Up To Three Senate Seats and Greens Gain Four") put the non-major party vote at 26.5 per cent, which compared with the actual result of 20.0 per cent.

Consequently, there is reason to be cautious about The Advertiser’s estimation that Labor will win only four of the available 11 seats, contrary to the general expectation that they are set to win five. Similarly, the smart money should remain on a fourth seat for the Liberals, which the poll suggests is in jeopardy. It is certainly possible that one party or the other will fall short of their final seat, but surely not both. That will leave two or three seats remaining for the minor parties, and whatever other reservations might be raised about the Advertiser poll, it seems clear that one of these will go to Xenophon. That leaves the remaining one or two seats as a lottery between various minor party candidates, for which there is little point in making predictions until the parties’ preference allocations for above-the-line votes are made available on Tuesday. When this happens, readers would do well to pay a visit to Upperhouse.Info, which will feature a ticket calculator that will convert votes into seat outcomes based on the enormously complicated preference flows. As well as Bressington, contenders for the final one or two seats will include the leading candidates for the Democrats (Kate Reynolds), Greens (Mark Parnell) and Family First (Dennis Hood). For what it’s worth, The Advertiser’s poll provides encouragement for the struggling Democrats, who are on 5 per cent, and a disappointment for the up-and-coming Family First, whose 3 per cent compares with the 4.1 per cent they scored at the 2002 election.

Also in The Advertiser’s poll is a question on attitudes towards the Legislative Council, which Mike Rann proposed to abolish in November pending a referendum to be held in conjunction with the 2010 election. The results were exactly as would be expected – widespread support for an end to eight-year terms and a reduction from 22 members to 16, but little enthusiasm for either abolition or the status quo.

A walk in the Park: episode two

This post exists for the benefit of a comments contributor called "Vic Park local", who has been providing excellent updates on the campaign for the Victoria Park by-election in Western Australia while the Poll Bludger’s attention has been elsewhere. His latest contribution expresses concern that the thread is about to drop off the bottom of the front page, and that this might defeat the purpose of further updates. VPL, and anyone else who wishes to join in, is invited to make himself at home in this new-and-improved location. The Poll Bludger might not have anything further to say on the by-election until polling day next Saturday, when the usual live coverage will be provided. In other news, this site’s silence surrounding the Tasmanian election will finally be broken over the weekend.

Guten Morgan, Herr Rann

Today’s South Australian Roy Morgan poll has Labor support at the organisation’s usual absurdly high levels – 50.5 per cent on the primary vote and a 60.5-39.5 lead on two-party preferred. An 11.5 per cent swing, as predicted by the poll, would just about send Rob Kerin off to Centrelink (he holds Frome by precisely that margin) and leave the Liberals with fewer seats than Labor won at the 1993 wipeout. Bless Morgan’s heart, but they do some funny things – like including the Nationals in the "Independent/Others" column, an indignity they do not even visit upon One Nation. This should be borne in mind when assessing the even more frightening primary vote result of 33 per cent for the Liberals, which is actually up 1 per cent on the previous poll. If anyone was wondering, the graph of Morgan results in this earlier post features Coalition primary vote figures that were arrived at by adding 1.5 per cent to the Liberals’ results, that being the statewide Nationals vote at the 2002 election.

In other poll news, the indefatigable Oompa-Loompas in the basement of the Advertiser building have produced their third survey in as many days. This time it’s a statewide poll of 657 voters conducted on Wednesday, which shows the Liberals improving on their position at the previous poll by a fairly meaningless 1 per cent at Labor’s expense, on both primary and two-party. Labor now leads 42 per cent to 33 per cent on the former measure and 56-44 on the latter.

Barrier draw

Nominations for the South Australian election have closed and the ballot paper rankings have been set in place. The Poll Bludger’s election guide tables have been amended accordingly – tip of the hat to Antony Green, who has made the information available more promptly than the South Australian Electoral Office. Some of the information in the electorate summaries is now out of date, but this will be set to rights in reasonably short order.

In the marginal seats, the donkey vote will favour Labor in Norwood, Hartley, Morialta and Bright (UPDATE: Gus notes in comments that every one of these is a double whammy for the Liberals, who drew a higher position than Labor in each case in 2002), while the Liberals have drawn the higher position in Adelaide, Stuart, Light, Mawson and Newland. In the seats that this site has identified as roughies, the draw has favoured Tom Playford of Family First in Kavel and Nationals candidate Kym McHugh in Finniss, while Liberal candidate David Pisoni will head the ballot in Unley.

With all cards now on the table, the following can be revealed:

Hammond (Independent 2.3% versus Liberal): Independent MP Peter Lewis, who appeared headed for certain defeat, will not even attempt to hold the seat and will instead run for the upper house. Lewis ran under the banner of the Community Leadership Independence Coalition in 2002, and this time he has adopted the even more cumbersome handle of Principles People Reform Before Parties. Nothing has come of reported moves to disendorse Liberal candidate Adrian Pederick following last week’s revelation that his mother took out a restraining order against him 15 years ago.

Mitchell (Labor 4.8%): Voters of an environmentalist persuasion have a smorgasbord of options available to them – sitting member Kris Hanna, who became South Australia’s first Greens MP after defecting from Labor in 2003, only to quit his new party in January; Travis Gilbert, a party member who is running as a "True Green for Mitchell"; and Jeffrey Williams, the official Greens candidate. Not bad for a seat the Greens didn’t even bother to contest in 2002.

Unley (Liberal 9.1%): Outgoing Liberal MP Mark Brindal, who was effectively defeated for preselection by David Pisoni, has decided against running as an independent, which he was threatening to do as recently as yesterday.

Little Para (Labor 7.1%) and Taylor (Labor 17.9%): Nothing has come of talk that respective members Lea Stevens and Trish White might step aside for Salisbury mayor Tony Zappia.

Noteworthy entrants for the Legislative Council include Ralph Clarke, the former Labor member for Enfield, who is running under the "Buy Back ETSA" banner. The Poll Bludger understands he will be feeding preferences to popular No Pokies MP Nick Xenophon, who is likely to be frozen out of preferences by both major parties. Former Labor MP Terry Cameron, who quit the party and formed the now-defunct SA First which fielded candidates in 2002, will attempt to hold his seat as an independent.

The one and Unley

The Advertiser’s opinion pollsters don’t muck around – I hope for the sake of News Corporation’s fragile budgetary position that they’re outsourcing this stuff to India. Anyway, today the paper has run a poll of 516 voters from a seat identified in Tuesday’s post as a potential upset Labor win, the inner city electorate of Unley which the Liberals hold with a margin of 9.1 per cent. The poll indeed suggests that the Liberals are in big trouble – their controversial candidate David Pisoni leads Unley mayor and Labor candidate Michael Keenan 45 per cent to 40 per cent on the decided primary vote, but trails 51-49 on two-party preferred. If that sounds like a big primary vote gap for Labor to narrow, it should be noted that the Greens dominate the minor party vote with Family First barely registering. The Advertiser also reports that the sitting Liberal member Pisoni effectively ousted for preselection, Mark Brindal, was still not ruling out standing as an independent. Nominations closed at noon, so we shall find out soon.

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